Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

For those who believe that political discourse as we know it is in terminal decline, let me quote from a passage I read earlier this week from John Locke's Two Treatieses of Government. It's from his Preface

If any one, concerned really for Truth, undertake the Confutation of my Hypothesis, I promise him either to recant my mistake, upon fair Conviction; or to answer his Difficulties. But he must remember two Things;

First, That Cavilling here and there, at some Expression, or little incident of my Discourse, is not an answer to my Book.

Secondly, That I shall not take railing for Arguments, nor think either of these worth my notice: Though I shall always look on my self as bound to give satisfaction to any one who shall appear to be conscientiously scrupulous in the point, and shall shew any just Grounds for his scruples.

For this holiday weekend, I suggest that you read the whole thing. 

flickr.com/mdpettitt

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

I see that, over the weekend, Megan McArdle, Brad DeLong and Tyler Cowen all posted about stuff they've gotten wrong as bloggers.  This is an excellent topic to post about.  Bloggers are supposed to prvide real-time analysis on breaking events -- of course we're going to get a lot of stuff wrong.  As Brad correctly notes: 

f you don't mark your beliefs to market occasionally, and throw out worthless intellectual trash, you ossify--you become one of those demented old coots detached from reality ranting unintelligibly at the moon.

Looking back on my eighth (!!) year of blogging, here are the big things I think I got wrong over the past year: 

1)  The Green Movement did not cause Iran's regime to crack upScore one for the Leveretts -- Iran's regime has effectively silenced the Green movement, without any visible internal cost.  Indeed, the regime now seems entrenched enough so that the fundamentalists and conservatives can now ignore reformists and start turning on each other.  I confess, I though the Ashura protests marked an inflection point on Iran.  Nope.  The regime has suffered some serious costs from its internal repression, but Khamenei ain't going anywhere anytime soon. 

2)  Iceland was willing to pay the price of financial isolation.  I knew that Icelanders were outraged at the notion that they had to help bail out Icesave depositors in England and the Netherlands.  I also thought, however, that when the question was put to a referendum, Icelanders would pause for a moment and consider the ramifications of financial isolation.  Um... whoops

3)  The G-20 was been far less useful than I anticipated.  A year ago at this juncture I was pretty pessimistic about the prospects of G-20 macroeconomic policy coordination.  I was hopeful, however, that the G-20 could function effectively as a mechanism to pressure China into revaluing the yuan. 

And... things are worse on both fronts than I anticipated.  At Toronto, the G-20 encouraged contractionary fiscal policies way too early, helping to push the global economy into double3-dip territory.  On the yuan, China has niminally pledged to let the yuan float, but acual movement has been pretty meager.

It only took me about 15 minutes to come up with this short list.  I hereby invite and encourage all commenters to root through the archives to find other screw-ups. 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

Charli Carpenter and I have a co-authored a paper in the August 2010 issue of International Studies Perspectives entitled, "International Relations 2.0: The Implications of New Media for an Old Profession."  It's on the effect that Web 2.0 technologies are having on the study and practice of international relations.  The abstract: 

The International Relations (IR) profession has not fully taken stock of the way in which user-driven information technologies—including Blogger, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Wikipedia—are reshaping our professional activities, our subject matter, and even the constitutive rules of the discipline itself. In this study, we reflect on the ways in which our own roles and identities as IR scholars have evolved since the advent of “Web 2.0”: the second revolution in communications technology that redefined the relationship between producers and consumers of online information. We focus on two types of new media particularly relevant to the practice and the profession of IR: blogs and social networking sites.

If you ask me, it's worth reading just for the Bill Watterson citation. Still, as Charli has already observed:

Of course if scholarly journal lag-time weren't what it is we had written this more recently than thirteen months ago, we'd probably have also talked about the data generation possibilities of tools like Wikileaks.

Carpenter has fortunately plugged this gap with ferocity in the past week -- see here and here. Charli's quick turnaround on this issue should provide a credible signal to readers as to which of us was the brains and which of us was the beauty in this particular joint venture. 

[Her both times?---ed.  Um.... pretty much, yeah.]

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

 My dear Mr. Schweizer,

Thanks for your response to my note.  You write:

Of course it’s legitimate to ask questions about supporting evidence for stories we post on Big Peace.  But to call Big Peace ”unadulterated horses***t”?   Is that your habit when you believe an opponent lacks evidence?  Why not simply ask some questions?.... 

I do find it curious that you argue since Soros is “at best ambivalent and at worst disappointed” with Obama that means he doesn’t have much influence.   Surely you are politically sophisticated enough to know that there is a difference between the two.  You may be too young to recall (I’m not saying this as a slight) but conservatives were disappointed with Reagan early on in his first term because they felt he didn’t go far enough.  Does that mean conservatives lacked influence on Reagan?   Ditto for the administration of George W. Bush.    Read Kissinger’s memoirs and you will find plenty of examples of his disappointment with Richard Nixon.

You might not be persuaded–that’s fine.  But why condemn an entire website?....

I can’t help but peek at your letter to Mr. Moriarty and note your suggestion that you would welcome a whole new set of critical readers to your blog.  Do you actually mean it?  Or is this wordplay?

To answer your queries: 

1) To be honest, if someone writes a post long on accusations and conspiracies but short on supporting evidence, yeah, I'm pretty much gonna call it unadulterated horses**t.  In neither Moriarty's initial post, nor in his follow-up letter does he provide a scintilla of evidence to back up his factual claims.  If you go by Harry Frankfurt's definition of bulls**t, Moriarty's post appears to fit the bill.  According to Frankfurt, if someone simply doesn't care whether what they are saying is true or false, then they're generating bulls**t.  Based on Moriarty's output to date, it qualifies as bulls**t.  I could debate the fine distinctions between horses**t and bulls**t fr hours, but for these purposes, the two terms are one and the same. 

2)  Am I condemning the entire Big Peace website?  No. if you re-read my original post, I said the entire site would deserve this appellation if Moriarty's writings were characteristic of the rest of Big Peace's output.  Consider this a warning shot across the bow - if your job is to edit Big Peace's output, then I think you erred in not using a firmer editorial hand towards Mr. Moriarty.  

3)  With regard to influence, perhaps we have a problem with terminology.  I think you're confusing "influence" with the Svengali-like properties that Moriarty seems to ascribe to Soros.  He repeatedly used the Kissinger/Nixon parallel, and that simply doesn't hold up.  Kissinger had daily access to Nixon - I hope you'll agree that Soros has had nowhere near that much communication with Obama.  Has Soros influenced Obama?  Probably, but one could argue that conservatives have influenced policy outcomes more.  Without implacable  GOP opposition, for example, I'm quite confident that the February 2009 stimulus package would have topped $1 trillion.  The difference is that Moriarty characterized Soros as Obama's political sherpa - and, again, to repeat, there is zero evidence that this is the case. 

4)  On whether I "would welcome a whole new set of critical readers" -- please, scan through my comments on a garden-variety post.  I have plenty of readers who disagree with me -- in fact, I take great pride in having the most contrarian group of readers in the foreign policy blogosphere.  So yes, criticism is always welcomed. 

I'll be sure to check Big Peace on the site from time to time to see if something link-worthy comes up.  Until then, welcome to the foreign policy blogosphere:

Sincerely,

Daniel W. Drezner 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

Ezra Klein made an interesting observation a few days ago about how opinion journalists read papers by experts:

[T]his is one of the difficulties with analysis. Fairly few political commentators know enough to decide which research papers are methodologically convincing and which aren't. So we often end up touting the papers that sound right, and the papers that sound right are, unsurprisingly, the ones that accord most closely with our view of the world.

To which Will Wilkinson said "Amen": 

This is one of the reasons I tend not to blog as much I’d like about a lot of debates in economic policy. I just don’t know who to trust, and I don’t trust myself enough to not just tout work that confirms my biases. This is also why I tend to worry a lot about methodology in my policy papers. How much can we trust happiness surveys? How exactly is inequality measured? How exactly is inflation measured? Does standard practice bias standard measurements in a particular direction? Of course, the motive to dig deeper is often suspicion of research you feel can’t really be right. But this is, I believe, an honorable motive, as long as one digs honestly. Indeed, I’m pretty sure motivated cognition, when constrained by sound epistemic norms, is one of the mainsprings of intellectual progress.

One way to weigh competing research papers is to consider the publishing outlet.  Presumably, peer-reviewed articles will carry greater weight.  Except that Megan McArdle doesn't presume:

Especially for papers that rely on empirical work with painstakingly assembled datasets, the only way for peer reviewers to do the kind of thorough vetting that many commentators seem to imagine is implied by the words "peer review" would be to . . . well, go back and re-do the whole thing.  Obviously, this is not what happens.  Peer reviewers check for obvious anomalies, originality, and broad methodological weakness.  They don't replicate the work themselves.  Which means that there is immense space for things to go wrong--intentionally or not....

This is not to say that the peer review system is worthless.  But it's limited.  Peer review doesn't prove that a paper is right; it doesn't even prove that the paper is any good (and it may serve as a gatekeeper that shuts out good, correct papers that don't sit well with the field's current establishment for one reason or another).  All it proves is that the paper has passed the most basic hurdles required to get published--that it be potentially interesting, and not obviously false.  This may commend it to our attention--but not to our instant belief.

This jibes with a recent Chonicle of Higher Education essay that bemoaned the explosion of research articles: 

While brilliant and progressive research continues apace here and there, the amount of redundant, inconsequential, and outright poor research has swelled in recent decades, filling countless pages in journals and monographs. Consider this tally from Science two decades ago: Only 45 percent of the articles published in the 4,500 top scientific journals were cited within the first five years after publication. In recent years, the figure seems to have dropped further. In a 2009 article in Online Information Review, Péter Jacsó found that 40.6 percent of the articles published in the top science and social-science journals (the figures do not include the humanities) were cited in the period 2002 to 2006.

None of this provides much comfort for the layman interested in navigating through the miasma of contradictory research papers.  How can the amateur policy wonk separate the wheat from the chaff? 

Below are seven useful rules of thumb to provide you.  These are not foolproof -- in fact, that's one of the rules -- but they can provide some useful filtering while trying to discern good research from not-so-good research: 

1)  If you can't read the abstract, don't bother with the paper.  Most smart people, including academics, don't like to admit when they don't understand something that they read.  This provides an opening for those who purposefully write obscurant or jargon-filled papers.  If you're befuddled after reading the paper abstract, don't bother with the paper -- a poorly-worded abstract is the first sign of bad writing.  And bad academic writing is commonly linked to bad analytic reasoning. 

2)  It's not the publication, it's the citation count.  If you're trying to determine the relative importance of a paper, enter it into Google Scholar and check out the citation count.  The more a paper is cited, the greater its weight among those in the know.  Now, this doesn't always hold -- sometimes a paper is cited along the lines of, "My findings clearly demonstrate that Drezner's (2007) argument was, like, total horses**t."   Still, for papers that are more than a few years old, the citaion hit count is a useful metric.

3)  Yes, peer review is better.   Nothing Megan McArdle wrote is incorrect.  That said, peer review does provide some useful functions, so the reader doesn't have to.  If nothing else, it's a useful signal that the author thought it could pass muster with critical colleagues.  Now, there are times when a researcher will  bypass peer review to get something published sooner.  That said, in international relations, scholars who publish in non-refereed journals usually have a version of the paper intended for peer review. 

4)  Do you see a strawman?  It's a causally complex world out there.  Any researcher who doesn't test an argument against viable alternatives isn't really interested in whether he's right or not -- he just wants to back up his gut instincts.  A "strawman" is when an author takes the most extreme caricature of the opposing argument as the viable alternative.  If the rival arguments sound absurd when you read about them in the paper, it's probably because the author has no interest in presenting the sane version of them.  Which means you can ignore the paper. 

5)  Are the author's conclusions the only possible conclusions to draw?  Sometimes a paper can rest on solid theory and evidence, but then jump to policy conclusions that seem a bit of a stretch (click here for one example).  If you can reason out different policy conclusions from the theory and data, then don't take the author's conclusions at face value.  To use some jargon, sometimes a paper's positivist conclusions are sound, even if the normative conclusions derived from the positive ones are a bit wobbly.  

6)  Can you falsify the author's argument?    Conduct this exercise when you're done reading a research paper -- can you picture the findings that would force the author to say, "you know what, I can't explain this away -- it turns out my hypothesis was wrong"?  If you can't picture that, then you can discard what you're reading a a piece of agitprop rather than a piece of research. 

7)  Fraudulent papers will still get through the cracks.  Trust is a public good that permeates all scholarship and reportage.  Peer reviewers assume that the author is not making up the data or plagiarizing someone else's idea.  We assume this because if we didn't, peer review would be virtually impossible.  Every once in a while, an unethical author or a reporter will exploit that trust and publish something that's a load of crap.  The good news on this front is that the people who do can't stop themselves from doing it on a regular basis, and eventually they make a mistake.  So the previous rules of thumb don't always work.  The  publishing system is imperfect -- but "imperfect" does not mean the same thing as "fatally flawed." 

With those rules of thumb, go forth and read your research papers. 

Other useful rules of thumb are encouraged in the comments. 

Sean Gallup/Getty Images

Meet the Miss USA winner, Rima Fakih

Last night the Miss USA pageant crowned Rima Fakih the winner.  This is interesting for three reasons:  A)  Fakih is an Arab-American; B)  Fakih's performance in the pageant was a bit underwhelming; and C)  Fakih's victory has triggered a big blog controversy

On the underwhelming performance

In a moment that was replayed during the broadcast, Fakih nearly fell while finishing her walk in her gown because of the length of its train. But she made it without a spill and went on to win....

During the interview portion, Fakih was asked whether she thought birth control should be paid for by health insurance, and she said she believed it should because it's costly.

"I believe that birth control is just like every other medication even though it's a controlled substance," Fakih said.

This prompted Michelle Malkin to argue that the politically correct fix was in

Imagine if those words had come out of the mouth of Carrie Prejean or Sarah Palin.

Between the NYTimes, MSNBC, Jon Stewart, and the late night talkers, we wouldn’t hear the end of it....

Fakih’s cheerleaders are too busy tooting the identity politics horn to care what comes out of her mouth.

Daniel Pipes goes further -- he thinks this is part of a disturbing macrotrend in Western society: 

[Fakih's victory] prompts me to recall some prior instances of Muslim women winning beauty contests in Western countries.

Juliette Boubaaya, 19, was Mlle Picardie in 2009.

Nora Ali was America's Junior Miss in 2007.

Hammasa Kohistani, 19, was Miss England in 2006.

Sarah Mendly, 23, was Miss Nottingham in 2005.

They are all attractive, but this surprising frequency of Muslims winning beauty pageants makes me suspect an odd form of affirmative action.

This has prompted some howls of derision from the liberal side of the political blogosphere, which has in turn provoked counter-howls from the right

Clearly, this is the kind of all-consuming, must-respond debate that your humble blogger has no choice but to work through.

In the interest of being useful to college juniors no doubt pondering a good topic for a senior IR thesis, let's propose three topics that could come from this kerfuffle: 

1)  Has political correctness gotten to beauty pageants?  This is Pipes' and Malkin's thesis.  Malkin at least has an empirical toehold in observing that right-wing contestants might be treated differently than left-wing ones.  Fakih is no former Miss South Carolina --  but if the AP story picked up the contrast between her performance and her victory, well, that justifies some further inquiry. 

Pipes' assertion, however, is just horses**t.  He manages to dredge up the names of five Arab/Muslim women in the span of five years to suggest affirmative action.  Let's be ultraconservative and assume that there are a combined 100 pageants a year in the countries of concern to Pipes.  That means that out of 500 possible contest winners, a whopping 1% of them are Arab and/or Muslim in countries far lower than the percentage of Arab/Muslim populations living in these countries.  That's nothing close to resembling affirmative action. 

2)  How do Arab Muslim beauty pageant contestants define their identity?  Liberty Pundit interprets the issue this way:  "She’s in America. She’s doing what beautiful American girls do. She’s acting Western."  Is this assertion true?  I would anticipate that in-depth interviews of the contestants would be required -- as well as a control sample of non-Muslim contestants to ensure a sufficiently divergent set of cases. 

3)  Is what's good for the pageant good for the winner?   Jonathan Turley notes the recent injection of politics into the pageant interviews: 

As with the Prejean controversy, it continues to amaze me that people inject politics (and frankly substance) in this beauty contest. Usually it is an effort to elevate the competition but at times it is an effort to paint the contestants in a darker light.

Actually, if it's intentional, the injection of politics is pretty clever gambit by the pageant owner, Donald Trump.  After all, political controversy catches the attention of people who otherwise would watch beauty pageants as a guilty pleasure but deny it at a Senate confirmation hearing not watch bueaty pageants.   The Miss America beauty pageant, for example, has suffered declining ratings for years.  If politics livens up the buzz factor for these things, the organizers would be fools not to ask third rail questions on issues like immigration. 

Of course, what's good for the pageant might be bad for the winner.  In theory, Miss USA, like other celebrities, should be able to use their star power to promote their own charities and causes.  However, as I noted here, political controversy is guaranteed to tarnish their luster and reduce their ability to appeal across the political spectrum.  Miss USA winner has some charitable alliances -- but political controversies can harm the star power of the winner. 

I look forward to reading the papers that answer these questions. 

It is not a shock for readers to learn that  I think blogs have been a great innovation for the information ecosystem.  That said, I've come across two examples in the past 24 hours where bloggers have really let down the guild -- because they blogged before reading through to the end.   

Example #1:  Brad DeLong, "Joshua Green Doesn't Get How Government Works.": 

Joshua Green:

Yes, Larry Summers is Leaving: Summers cast his eye on the Fed chairmanship and agreed to bide his time until Ben Bernanke's term ended at the NEC--a staff position well below his old job as Clinton's Treasury secretary...

"Below." "Above." Joshua Green is old enough to know that whether the Secretary of the Treasury is "above" or "below" the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy really depends on the people and on the President....

The rule is that with a President who is weak--or uninterested in economic policy--or when the Chairs of House Banking, Senate Banking, Senate Finance, and House Ways-and-Means are strong, then the Treasury Secretary is the more powerful position. But with a President who is strong and interested in economic policy, the Assistant to the President is the higher-ranking job.

This is an old, old story....

Over the generations, face-time with the king is what matters for power. (emphasis added)

DeLong makes a fair point here -- face time can be really important sometimes.  The thing is, Green tackled the "face-time" question head-on in his original story about Larry Summers

As Jonathan Alter lays out in his forthcoming book, "The Promise," Summers maneuvered to sideline people like Paul Volcker, Joe Stiglitz, and even Orszag, behavior more characteristic of the Clinton administration than the Obama administration. Alter also reveals that Obama's nickname for Summers is "Dr. Kevorkian," which does not imply paternal fondness.

But what really makes me believe that Summers won't stick around is that all this Machiavellian intrigue has failed to win him what he wanted most: power. Summers gets plenty of presidential face time, but he's not the nexus of White House activity that everyone expected him to be, and that doesn't sit well according to the Summers associates I spoke with. In my Atlantic piece, I go into considerable detail about how Geithner, and not Summers, came to be the key person on financial matters. But it wasn't just finance. Energy and health care care were also routed elsewhere, to Carol Browner and Nancy Ann DeParle. The hand-holding of anxious lawmakers that became an integral part of the NEC job under Summers's mentor, Bob Rubin, is being handled by another economist, Mark Zandi, a former McCain adviser. Marc points out that Summers does "ride herd over the administration's infrastructure renewal program." But I'd wager that infrastructure renewal is not what Larry Summers pictured for himself when he arrived at the White House.  (emphasis added)

Green clearly thinks that face time is important --- it's just that Summers appears to have a limited ability to converty that face-time into actual policy responsibility.  DeLong can dispute that assertion -- but he can't assert, as he blogged, that Green is somehow naive about the way Washington works.  Based on that paragraph, he seems better clued in than DeLong. 

Example #2:  Conservative bloggers on this AP story about the Obama administration's provisional changes to the National Security Strategy.  The story leads with the following:

President Barack Obama's advisers will remove religious terms such as "Islamic extremism" from the central document outlining the U.S. national security strategy and will use the rewritten document to emphasize that the United States does not view Muslim nations through the lens of terror, counterterrorism officials said.

The change isa significant shift in the National Security Strategy, a document that previously outlined the Bush Doctrine of preventative war and currently states: "The struggle against militant Islamic radicalism is the great ideological conflict of the early years of the 21st century."

As you can imagine, there are a fair number of conservative bloggers lashing out at this story.  Andy McArthy calls it "willful blindness."    Michelle Malkin concludes, "We’ve traded in a reality-based national security strategy for a Birkenstock bumper-sticker fantasy plan." 

Fine, except that if you read the whole AP story, you discover that the origins of the "Birkenstock bumper-sticker fantasy plan" are... Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush: 

Obama's speechwriters have taken inspiration from an unlikely source: former President Ronald Reagan. Visiting communist China in 1984, Reagan spoke to Fudan University in Shanghai about education, space exploration and scientific research.

He discussed freedom and liberty. He never mentioned communism or democracy.

"They didn't look up to the U.S. because we hated communism," said Deputy National Security Adviser Ben Rhodes, Obama's foreign policy speechwriter.

Like Reagan in China, Obama in Cairo made only passing references to terrorism. Instead he focused on cooperation....

Obama did not invent Muslim outreach. President George W. Bush gave the White House its first Quran, hosted its first Iftar dinner to celebrate Ramadan, and loudly stated support for Muslim democracies like Turkey....

[Karen]

Hughes and Juan Zarate, Bush's former deputy national security adviser, said Obama's efforts build on groundwork from Bush's second term, when some of the rhetoric softened. But by then, Zarate said, it was overshadowed by the Guantanamo Bay detention center, the abuses at Abu Ghraib prison and a prolonged Iraq war.

"In some ways, it didn't matter what the president did or said. People weren't going to be listening to him in the way we wanted them to," Zarate said. "The difference is, President Obama had a fresh start."

I'm not saying that this strategy will work -- but Malkin and McArthy don't seem to realize that they're saying that Reagan and Bush were Birkenstrock-wearers as well. 

FP's own Peter Feaver is quoted in the AP story as a skeptic, and I think he makes a fair point.  Over at the Corner, Michael Rubin looked at the same story and suggested flaws in the administration's argument.   I'm only partially convinced by Rubin's argument -- but it's clear that at least Rubin read the whole AP story before blogging about it. 

Seriously, read the whole thing before blogging it. 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

As I'm transitioning from vacation mode to catching-up mode, Two brief  notes.  First, you might notice a blogroll and twitter feed on the right-hand side of the page.  Classy, huh? 

Second, blogger "fame" can bring some odd moments.  For example, Henry Farrell posted that John Holbo "is profiled along with other academic bloggers (DeLong, Drezner, Shalizi) in Berkeley’s alumni magazine."

The piece is primarily about DeLong and Holbo -- here's the section on yours truly:

Other well-known academic bloggers admit they began in an effort to be heard beyond the tight circle of academe to which they had access as untenured professors. Tufts University Professor Dan Drezner, a right-leaning political blogger who often skirmishes online with DeLong, began blogging after 9/11 because he had expertise in the Middle East, and major newspapers refused to publish his op-eds. Within a year, he was a regular contributor to The New York Times. At the time he and DeLong jumped in, says Drezner, blogging was “the quickest way to become a public intellectual."

Now, I don't know if there are so many inaccuracies in this essay because I got my Ph.D. from a rival institution, but let's clear up a few things:

1)  I have never claimed area expertise about the Middle East.  I'll claim some expertise about the study of international relations, some of which applies to the Middle East.  That's a different kettle of fish than what's stated about me in the above paragraph. 

2)  I've never been a regular contributor to the New York Times, unless four book reviews and one op-ed in seven years counts as "regular." 

I suspect that Cathleen McCarthy, who wrote the essay, mistakenly conflated myself and FP's Marc Lynch, from this Williams Alumni Review story she wrote three years ago.   But it's good to have a blog to set the facts straight. 

Enough navel-gazing.  Substantive blogging will resume tomorrow. 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

I chaired a panel today at the International Studies Association on the role of  blogging in scholarship and policy advocacy.  Participants included FP's Steve Walt, LGM's Rob Farley and Charli Carpenter, IPEatUNC''s  Will Winecoff, and He Who Does Not Need a Blog Joseph Nye.  FP's Peter Feaver, Duck of Minerva's Stephanie Carvin, and many other luminaries were in the audience. 

The result was one of the most enjoyable ISA panels I've experienced -- thanks entirely to the caliber of everyone else in the room. 

For those interested, do check out Alex Parets' detailed play-by-play of the panel. 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

One of the biggest mistakes traditional academics make is to take all words equally seriously.  That is to say, academics who do not write for a non-scholarly audience tend to assume that it takes an equal length of time and effort to compose a journal article, an op-ed, or even a blog post.  In reality, it's kind of like circuit training -- each activity exercises a different set of writing muscles (that said, journal articles require way more reps than other forms of writing).

I bring this up because I have now joined Twitter, in a desperate, far-too-late-effort to catch up to my FP colleague Mark Lynch -- who is securely ensconced in the FP Twitterati Top 100.  Right now he's crushing me in terms of followers, so I warmly encourage all my readers to start following me on Twitter -- and then feel free to ignore my tweets. 

Somewhat more seriously, my Twitter postings will mostly be on matters that are other off-topic for Foreign Policy or things I don't have time to develop into the long, nuanced sentences required for blogging.  So, just to clarify for those academics in the audience, here is the official Hierarchy of Drezner Publications -- from highest degree of effort to lowest degree of effort: 

  1. University press books
  2. Peer-refereed journal articles
  3. University press book chapters
  4. Editor-refereed essays
  5. Non-university press books and chapters
  6. Op-ed essays
  7. Commentaries for Marketplace
  8. Blog posts about Salma Hayek and zombies
  9. Other, lesser blog posts about trade, finance, etc.
  10. Twitter tweets/Facebook status updates
  11. Comments on friend's Facebook pages
  12. Mutterings under my breath while waiting for airport security
  13. Things I shout at the television during Red Sox-Yankee games
  14. Things I say at the bar on the third day of the American Political Science Association annual meeting after I have three vodka tonics in me.
  15. Things I say at the bar on the third day of the American Political Science Association annual meeting when completely sober. 

Also, just an FYI -- usually you can write off a technology the moment I embrace it.  So if tech stocks go down today, that's on me. 

Posted By Daniel W. Drezner

As I said previously, I've been reading Liaquat Ahamed's Lords of Finance while in Basle.  This seems appropriate, as the book recounts the creation of the Bank of International Settlements, among other events. 

The book has been a fun and informative read, but I was particularly struck by an excerpt from a newspaper article that Ahamed quoted.  The New York World decided to advise Americans travelling to France in the summer of 1926.  At the time, the French were a bit tetchy about U.S. insistence that the French government repay its First World War debts in fill:

Don't boast in cafes that American currency is the only real honest-to-God money in the world.  It isn't.  Besides such bursts of financial patriotism are annoying to people who did not spend the years 1914 to 1916 accumulating world credit by selling munitions, cotton and wheat to other nations which were busy with a war....

Don't confide to your fellow passengers on raileay trains that America is the most generous of creditors because America has cancelled all that part of debts which nobody can collect.  Talk instead of our prowess in tennis, golf or Prohibition.  It comes with better grace. 

Is it just me, or does that seem much snarkier than most commentary you would read today? 

 

Daniel W. Drezner is professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.

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