Monday, July 28, 2008 - 4:50 PM
Having learned the limits of force in Iraq and Afghanistan, US military strategists are rewriting decades-old military doctrine to place humanitarian missions on par with combat, part of a new effort to win over distrustful foreign populations and enlist new global allies, according to top commanders and Pentagon officials. The Defense Department is implementing a series of new directives to use the American arsenal for more peaceful purposes even as it prepares for war, including a little-noticed revision this year to a document called "Joint Operations," described as the "very core" of how the military branches should be organized. The effort illustrates a growing recognition that, to combat radical ideologies and avert future wars, the Pentagon must draw more heavily on its deep reserves of so-called soft power - its ability to set up medical clinics in a remote part of the world, for example - to balance the more traditional "hard power" of military force, according to more than a dozen US military officers in several regions of the world and planners inside the Pentagon. "Things have changed significantly," Jerry Lynes, a retired Marine Corps colonel who is now chief of education and doctrine for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in an interview. "We have taken our traditional principles of war and added to them." The changes have already translated into new military operations. When a US military team arrived by helicopter in Cambodia's rural Kampong Chhnang Province in late May, the imam from the local mosque spread the word and hundreds of locals descended on the Americans. But it was not confrontation they sought. It was free healthcare. The Friendship Clinic, offering primary and vision care, dentistry, a women's health center, and medical training, was part of a first-of-its kind humanitarian mission called Pacific Angel by the Honolulu-based 13th Air Force.The story also highlights another oddity: while the Pentagon is making this adjustment, they'd really like a different agency to take the lead:
[W]hile the change in emphasis is generally accepted as a positive development, some are also warning that the military risks taking on nonmilitary missions that should be the purview of the State Department and other civilian agencies. Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates, who has called for greater emphasis on diplomatic and economic tools to further American interests, warned in a speech this month about the "militarization" of American foreign policy and repeated his calls for building new civilian capacity for strengthening fragile states. Others have also cautioned against using the military to perform jobs better suited to civilians, such as democracy building and development aid.I'm sure many will blame the Bush administraion for this state of affairs -- but I think what's going on here is the result of how the foreign policy budget is authorized. Congressmen are happy to authorize more defense spending, because that's easier to justify to their constituents, particularly those constituets whose livelihoods are tied into the military. Authorizing civilian spending on foreign policy, however, just looks like a handout to other countries -- it's much easier for Congress to say no to that authorization, and look fiscally prudent in the process. The long-term effect of this skew, however, is that the military is organizing and running an ever-greater share of foreign policy operations. Lest anyone think I'm ranting against the armed forces, I'm trying to say that they don't want this responsibility. They're stepping up because no other agency possesses either the resources or the willingness to act. Until and unless budget and operating authority are reallocated in the executive branch, this 'militarization' of foreign policy is not going to stop. And, irony of ironies, it's the military that most wants to stop it."Our [foreign] policy is out of whack," said Kenneth Bacon, a former assistant secretary of defense who now runs Refugees International, a nonprofit organization. "It is too dominated by the military and we have too little civilian capacity."
Or, maybe the military is the only organization with the leadership, planning, and ability to bring these missions off. The US Dept. of State? Get real. The UN? Same.
Caveat, however--this redfined mission did not work out so well in Somalia in the nineties.
Ah yes - I seem to recall a candidate who proposed a Department of Peace, which was intended to carry out precisely these sorts of functions and would have very nicely accommodated these concerns, e.g. allowing Congress to vote resources for affirmative foreign policy efforts rather than something that looks like bad old foreign aid.
Of course, that candidate was Dennis Kucinich, and he was roundly mocked for it.
Does Dan Drezner dare say some kind words about Dennis Kucinich? (I know, I know, blustery Internet 'dares' are pretty tiresome - that was written in the spirit of humor rather than of provocation. The thought of 'Drezner for Kucinich!' amuses me.)
Austin Bay has been blogging about this for years. Part of the reason that DoD has stepped up in this area is that the State Department has refused to do the job. Iraq is a very concrete example of this, and Col. Bay has pointed this out repeatedly.
Part of the problem has been that in the State Department you don't get promoted for this kind of work out in the field. You get promoted for sitting around the capital cities hobnobbing with you counterparts at their Foreign Ministry. In some cases, you need DoD to be the first responders since they have the equipment and vehicles to be first on the scene. They also have the guns needed to provide security. State is well known for not wanting DoD to provide security for their operations, hence the use of Blackwater, et.al.
So we have the agency that ought to be taking the lead not doing so because it doesn't punch the promotion ticket of the career staff, and because they don't play well with others.
The military faces some of the same issues here also. Advising and these kind of humanitarian missions do not advance you either. It is partially budget and partially the fact that so many are opposed to anything like Foreign aid.
Steve
Thomas Barnett (http://www.thomaspmbarnett.com/index.htm) has been talking about this for a while also. While I'm here, a shameless plug for my modest blog, Politics et al (http://roarkmj.blogspot.com/)
It seems we need to field organizations that can bring new areas of expertise to bear on the problem and they still need to be able to survive in dangerous situations and protect themselves. The old Green Beret teams come to mind but the problem is much larger than that. Go read Tom's stuff.
There's nothing at all ironic about DoD not wanting to take the lead on these missions. They have a finite amount of manpower and if they have to spend time training people for "soft power" missions, then they're not training them for the "hard power" ones (i.e. killing the bad guys). It's the same reason DoD has always resisted drug interdiction missions - they degrade combat readiness. You do what you have to do in a pinch, and there's not a more resourceful soul in the planet than company first sergeant, but when warfighters have to also become hospital and postal administrators, they become less effective warfighters.
For places where there are armed belligerents who are fighting against stabilization and connectivity, you need enough firepower to keep them under control. For the nation building I envision using people like the Navy SEABEES, the Army Corps of Engineers, and mobile military medical teams that can work with the trigger pullers and do the soft power projection. The major drawback: It costs big bucks. Can we get other G-8 countries to buy into providing money while we do the heavy lifting? Worth a try, but so few people understand that bringing failed states into the civilized core is worth it that probably a very hard sell.
Daniel W. Drezner is professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
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