Wednesday, August 6, 2008 - 3:42 AM
Wal-Mart has pursued what would appear to be a self-contradictory political strategy. Clearly, Wal-Mart fears the prospect of unionization more than any other factor. Low wages, low benefits, and a generally supine workforce have been fundamental to its business model for decades. Wal-Mart clearly believes Democrats are more sympathetic to unions than Republicans. So one might think that the company would be doing everything in its power to help Republicans and hurt Democrats. That's certainly what it used to do. In the 2000 campaign cycle, its political action committee devoted 85 percent of its donations to candidates for federal office to Republicans; in 2004, the split was 78 percent to 22 percent. But with Democrats having resumed control of Congress, Wal-Mart has increasingly deployed corporate resources to help Democrats stay in power. So far in this cycle, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, Wal-Mart has basically split its $884,700 in donations equally between the two parties (52 percent to 48 percent in favor of the Republicans). The list of recipients includes long-standing friends of organized labor such as Rep. Charles Rangel of New York and Sen. Debbie Stabenow of Michigan.Um... to a political scientist, this is not rocket science. Powerful material interests will play both sides of the political fence if their preferred party is unlikely to win. This doesn't mean Democrats will suddenly propose "Wal-Mart Day" legislation or anything -- but campaign contributions are likely to help blunt legislation that could hurt the company in the future.
Giving money to Charlie Rangel makes sense, since his role as Chairman of Ways and Means potentially affects WalMart in lots of ways besides labor law. It's not like the Republican candidate for Congress from Harlem is going to beat Rangel in the general election. I'm not sure what the motivation to contribute to Stabenow is, however.
Since many congressional seats, especially in the House, are effectively filled in the primary, contributing to the candidate who is least objectionable in that party makes sense. Also, by distributing contributions to candidates of both parties, an organization like WalMart may not be become loved by Democrats, but maybe it will not be Public Enemy Number 1 to them either.
This sort of political giving was highly typical of corporations prior to the 1994 takeover of Congress by the Republicans. Major corporations gave about an even amount to both sides to try to curry some favor with Democrats.
Why would anyone be surprised to see that same pattern emerging, now that the Democrats are back in power?
Not exactly. Trial lawyers and labor unions did not split 50/50 with Republicans and Democrats in 2002 or 2004. In fact when the Democrats were destined to lose in 2002, trial lawyers and unions were very loyal financially. While you could argue it wasn't clear that the Republicans would win, that wasn't the reason. Democratic interests group are much more loyal than Republicans ones. It would be interesting to see a detailed study on this. I believe it is because Democrats are more likely to retaliate against those that do not give donations. This would explain why the financial industry (especially hedge funds) has given more to Democrats in the last few cycles (Goldman gave more to Kerry than Bush in 2004) but there other explanations as well.
Republicans would be wise to tell Wall-Mart that if this doesn't change, that their support of Wall-Mart may be less vigorous in the future. It makes no sense for Republicans to defend Wall-Mart when Democrats get the benefits of the anti-Wall Mart vote and financial support and Republicans get a 50-50 split of Wall Mart's donations.
Completely right. Besides, it's all about access and Wal-Mart would be foolish to not try to get access to the majority. If and when the GOP resumes majority status, we'll see a corresponding change in Wal-Mart contributions. It's a no-brainer.
Daniel W. Drezner is professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
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