Friday, October 8, 2010 - 9:19 AM

The past week has seen an escalating series of news stories about a looming "currency war," as country after country tries to drive their currency downward, the United States blames China as the source of original sin on this, and China pisses off yet another country responds by digging in its heels, and the IMF wrings its hands.
If you need to read one article on why things are going down the way they are, it's Alan Beattie's excellent survey in the Financial Times of how countries as responding to this situation:
Washington is looking for allies -- particularly among the emerging economies, who complain about their own competitiveness and volatility problems -- in its campaign for exchange rate flexibility. Trying to take on Beijing single-handed makes the US vulnerable to the charge that it is a lone complainant blaming its own profligate shortcomings on the country that is kind enough to lend it money, holding the best part of $1,000bn in U.S. Treasury bonds…
Yet despite U.S. claims of broad support, backing appears sporadic…
[S]ome U.S. policymakers privately complain that European backing is patchy and tends to go up and down with the euro. In the first half of the year the euro was pushed lower by the gathering Greek crisis, by early summer falling 17 per cent below its January level. Focused on local difficulties, and with the German export machine powering ahead, European officials saw little need to take on Beijing over currencies and had little energy to do so…
Across the emerging economies, the plan of attack seems to be to keep quiet and pass the ammunition. Despite widespread recognition of the distortions China’s exchange rate policy appear to be causing, governments have generally preferred unilateral intervention to a public slanging match.
True, in April the governors of the Reserve Bank of India and the Central Bank of Brazil complained that Beijing was hurting their exporters.
But recently Celso Amorim, Brazil’s foreign minister, told Reuters: "I believe that this idea of putting pressure on a country is not the right way for finding solutions." Significantly, he added: "We have good co-ordination with China and we’ve been talking to them. We can’t forget that China is currently our main customer…"
With the prospect of diplomatic progress limited, currency policy in the U.S. and Europe may end up being conducted through domestic monetary policy. If, as seems possible, the U.S. Federal Reserve, the Bank of Japan and the European Central Bank return to quantitative easing in order to boost growth, their currencies are likely to weaken -- as the yen briefly did after the Bank of Japan’s announcement of looser monetary policy this week.
So, to sum up:
1) Every country is free-riding/buckpassing on this issue, hoping that the United States can dislodge China on its own.
2) The international regimes designed to prevent free-riding like this -- namely the G-20 and the IMF -- are not up to this task. [What about the WTO? -- ed. Fuggedaboutit.]
3) The source of China's rising power is not its hard currency reserves or its command over scarce rare earths, but its burgeoning domestic market.
4) Ironically, the United States and other countries want China to accelerate the growth of its domestic market, which would in turn give it more power. Even more ironically, China doesn't want to do this right now.
5) The sum effect of all of this will be a series of uncoordinated interventions into currency markets that will increase market volatility, political posturing, and eventually lead to the erection of capital and/or trade controls.
Developing… in a very disturbing manner.
MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images
EXPLORE:GLOBALIZATION, EUROPE, CHINA, FINANCE, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, BEGGAR-THY-NEIGHBOR, BRETTON WOODS II, BRICS, CHINA, G-20, GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY
Financial Shock and Awe
The world's central banks are at war. What does that mean for the rest of us?
BY BARRY EICHENGREEN | OCTOBER 6, 2010
If the US and others want China 2 grow domestically, and China doesn't, could it b that u're missing something?
I mean some of these countries must have financial-strategy advisors, right?
To paraphrase and translate a Swedish saying:
"All the other countries are egotistical and only think of themselves it is only the US that thinks of US interests."
Drezner: "Ironically, the United States and other countries want China to accelerate the growth of its domestic market, which would in turn give it more power. Even more ironically, China doesn't want to do this right now."
No, it's not ironic. China wants precisely this: a stronger domestic market -- which would, as you state, increase it's economic sway. However, China by no means wants this transition to occur quickly at the cost of social stability. Not only would a quick revaluation destroy its export sector, but it would also make the development of the "other half of China" -- i.e., the one that is composed of 700 million people and still at third-world status -- difficult.
Thus, it's not ironic. It makes sense to assure that the process is a gradual one, from the Chinese perspective.
What Mr. Drezner and others fail to comprehend is that there is a close connection between China's efforts to keep its currency undervalued and its planning for the demographic crisis that its one-child policy makes inevitable.
An undervalued currency abroad means that foreign products for consumption are more expensive in China. This reduces consumption of imports, but it also leads to a build up for foreign currency that enables China to buy control over raw materials in those debtor countries. China will need to own those resources when its workforce begins to shrink even as its need to take care of an aging population grows, a cultural requirment for the Chinese. Ownership of foreign resources will make international prices for these resources basically irrelevant for China, thereby enabling that country to keep its production going at a level necesaary to provide for future consumption.
What China consumes now is viewed as very definitely coming out of what China will have to consume in the future. Pressuring them to increase consumption now, which would be the result of a more fairly-price currency, is a threat to China's future, and they simply won't do it.
On the upside, this requires that China staunchly support the rule of law so that foreign governments don't simply seize all the real assets the Chinese have been buying overseas. The growth of China's military forces should eb recognized as a mechanism to ensure that those resources will not simply be taken away.
I trust that this view of China or something very much like it is now (or soon will be) included prominently in global-strategic foreign policy decision-making and planning. I hope that the global community has something to celebrate in what may prove to be a global leadership role for China in at least some aspects of responsible leadership, moral government, and effective development.
Daniel W. Drezner is professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
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